Home Page > Editorial and Op-Ed
Putting An Agenda On The Agenda
Tue, 17 Nov 2009 12:02:00
For months, two issues have loomed large over Albany: the budget and same-sex marriage.
As is often the case when big issues come before the state’s most deliberative body, these issues have sparked debate not just to their merits but to arcane legislative process as well.
But as these twin topics take center stage, it is worth remembering that there are a host of problems facing New York right now beyond same-sex marriage and the budget impasse, and they deserve a hearing. These are not civil rights issues, at least not in the way that marriage equality is, and they are not about something as serious as the state being able to continue to keep their lights on, but they are real and serious and they matter in major ways to millions of New Yorkers.
There are no easy answers to them, but they require some kind of answers, and soon:
Article X:
This bill, which has already passed the Assembly, expired in 2003. It would expedite the siting of power plants, by allowing new plants to undergo the various regulation processes all at once. Only one power plant has been built in the state since the law came off the books. The plan was a priority of former Gov. Eliot Spitzer and many environmental advocates who believed that it could help cut the state’s energy prices, help consumers’ pocketbooks and help meet New York’s rising demand for cheap energy. The law is opposed by those who worry that it will diminish home rule. Both sides have their points, but good-faith negotiation could yield a compromise solution. It is time for legislators to come up with one, and not let this critical issue continue to languish in legislative no-man’s land. The state’s energy situation deserves to have some long-term thinking.
Domestic Workers:
The Domestic Workers Bill of Rights would guarantee basic work standards for nannies, caregivers and housekeepers. It would give domestic workers sick days, vacation days, health days, prevent workplace discrimination and mandate a minimum wage. Even though some say it would be difficult to enforce, and some employers fear they will be unfairly targeted, the bill is a rarity in Albany in that it lacks any serious vocal opposition. The bill came tantalizingly close to passage after years of organizing by advocates, only to be dashed by the Senate coup in June. The only thing preventing passage at this point seems to be legislators’ time, space and will. If a broad agreement on this bill is in place, it is incumbent upon the governor and both houses to bring it to the floor for a vote. There are over 200,000 New Yorkers, among them our most vulnerable neighbors, who are relying on it. And if they will not get the bill, they deserve to know that so they can make decisions about where the future will take them—in New York or perhaps in another state that has taken action.
Farm Workers:
Like the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights, the Farm Workers Bill of Rights would provide basic workplace protection for a historically abused class of workers, and would guarantee a day of rest, overtime pay, disability insurance and right of workers to bargain collectively. The bill has 28 co-sponsors, and there are four other senators that have pledged support. Senate Majority Leader Pedro Espada has been one of the bill’s biggest promoters, and pledged that it would be brought up for a vote. Under the Senate’s new rules, it should have been. But this bill has been shelved by the Democratic leadership at the apparent request of upstate senators who fear antagonizing their farm-owning constituents. If the bill will decimate the upstate economy, then fine, let the Senate have that debate and ultimately vote the bill down. But it should not be another victim of entropy, or of farmers’ being stuck in limbo as they question what the future of their workforce will be.
Redistricting:
This one cuts to the heart of both political parties’ modus operandi: how to increase their power over state government. As such, it has been the result of more studies, plans and speeches than any single issue could possibly warrant. For now, the Senate has put an admirable emphasis on simply getting New Yorkers to fill out their census forms to make an accurate count possible. No one thinks that the politics could be out of this process completely, but both parties could show they are serious about reform and about the legislature adequately reflecting the population of the state by figuring out a fair and equitable way to draw lines once the counting is complete. Two years ago, Gov. Spitzer proposed a constitutional amendment to create an 11-member commission that would draw congressional and legislative lines in New York. Just because Spitzer is gone does not mean that his plan is not worth another look. If the legislature disapproves of it, then they need to come up with an alternative, and should do so before the election season begins in earnest. A delay that leaves voters unsure until late in the election cycle of who will be representing them in Albany and Washington is bad for democracy.
There may be more special sessions ahead. But even if not, legislators should spend their time between now and the beginning of the next session in January preparing for a legislative whirlwind—there is far too much that is pending, far too much New Yorkers need their government to do, for these and other critical issues to remain stalled.
As is often the case when big issues come before the state’s most deliberative body, these issues have sparked debate not just to their merits but to arcane legislative process as well.
But as these twin topics take center stage, it is worth remembering that there are a host of problems facing New York right now beyond same-sex marriage and the budget impasse, and they deserve a hearing. These are not civil rights issues, at least not in the way that marriage equality is, and they are not about something as serious as the state being able to continue to keep their lights on, but they are real and serious and they matter in major ways to millions of New Yorkers. There are no easy answers to them, but they require some kind of answers, and soon:
Article X:
This bill, which has already passed the Assembly, expired in 2003. It would expedite the siting of power plants, by allowing new plants to undergo the various regulation processes all at once. Only one power plant has been built in the state since the law came off the books. The plan was a priority of former Gov. Eliot Spitzer and many environmental advocates who believed that it could help cut the state’s energy prices, help consumers’ pocketbooks and help meet New York’s rising demand for cheap energy. The law is opposed by those who worry that it will diminish home rule. Both sides have their points, but good-faith negotiation could yield a compromise solution. It is time for legislators to come up with one, and not let this critical issue continue to languish in legislative no-man’s land. The state’s energy situation deserves to have some long-term thinking.
Domestic Workers:
The Domestic Workers Bill of Rights would guarantee basic work standards for nannies, caregivers and housekeepers. It would give domestic workers sick days, vacation days, health days, prevent workplace discrimination and mandate a minimum wage. Even though some say it would be difficult to enforce, and some employers fear they will be unfairly targeted, the bill is a rarity in Albany in that it lacks any serious vocal opposition. The bill came tantalizingly close to passage after years of organizing by advocates, only to be dashed by the Senate coup in June. The only thing preventing passage at this point seems to be legislators’ time, space and will. If a broad agreement on this bill is in place, it is incumbent upon the governor and both houses to bring it to the floor for a vote. There are over 200,000 New Yorkers, among them our most vulnerable neighbors, who are relying on it. And if they will not get the bill, they deserve to know that so they can make decisions about where the future will take them—in New York or perhaps in another state that has taken action.
Farm Workers:
Like the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights, the Farm Workers Bill of Rights would provide basic workplace protection for a historically abused class of workers, and would guarantee a day of rest, overtime pay, disability insurance and right of workers to bargain collectively. The bill has 28 co-sponsors, and there are four other senators that have pledged support. Senate Majority Leader Pedro Espada has been one of the bill’s biggest promoters, and pledged that it would be brought up for a vote. Under the Senate’s new rules, it should have been. But this bill has been shelved by the Democratic leadership at the apparent request of upstate senators who fear antagonizing their farm-owning constituents. If the bill will decimate the upstate economy, then fine, let the Senate have that debate and ultimately vote the bill down. But it should not be another victim of entropy, or of farmers’ being stuck in limbo as they question what the future of their workforce will be.
Redistricting:
This one cuts to the heart of both political parties’ modus operandi: how to increase their power over state government. As such, it has been the result of more studies, plans and speeches than any single issue could possibly warrant. For now, the Senate has put an admirable emphasis on simply getting New Yorkers to fill out their census forms to make an accurate count possible. No one thinks that the politics could be out of this process completely, but both parties could show they are serious about reform and about the legislature adequately reflecting the population of the state by figuring out a fair and equitable way to draw lines once the counting is complete. Two years ago, Gov. Spitzer proposed a constitutional amendment to create an 11-member commission that would draw congressional and legislative lines in New York. Just because Spitzer is gone does not mean that his plan is not worth another look. If the legislature disapproves of it, then they need to come up with an alternative, and should do so before the election season begins in earnest. A delay that leaves voters unsure until late in the election cycle of who will be representing them in Albany and Washington is bad for democracy.
There may be more special sessions ahead. But even if not, legislators should spend their time between now and the beginning of the next session in January preparing for a legislative whirlwind—there is far too much that is pending, far too much New Yorkers need their government to do, for these and other critical issues to remain stalled.
