Levy, Controversial Suffolk Executive, Mulling 2010 Run For Governor
Campaign for both Democratic and Republican lines under consideration
Fri, 22 May 2009 12:33:00
Suffolk County Executive Steve Levy, one of the more controversial figures in New York Democratic politics, is mulling a run for governor in 2010, according to people familiar with his plans.
Levy has approached some of his major backers about the prospect of running in the Democratic primary next year, possibly against Gov. David Paterson, according to associates, who did not want to be named discussing details of private conversations. Levy has been gauging whether he would be able to raise enough money to run a viable statewide campaign.
“He’s been talking to a number of his supporters, just kind of testing the waters to see if there is the potential for an open seat, and depending on what happens, whether or not he would be a viable candidate,” said Suffolk Democratic Chair Rich Schaffer. “He’s a tenacious campaigner. He is relentless when it comes to putting together an organization, and himself doing the campaign.”
Schaffer added that Levy could also run for attorney general if Paterson bowed out and current Attorney General Andrew Cuomo became the Democratic nominee for governor.
Levy’s obstacle, other than his low name recognition statewide, is his toxic relationship with the New York City Democrats that largely run the state party. While Levy remains popular among moderates and conservatives in Suffolk, liberals and minority groups roundly criticize him for his hard-line stances on illegal immigration.
“The Democratic establishment is an establishment from New York [City],” said one state Democratic operative. “Guess what all of them have in common? They hate Steve Levy’s guts.”
That sentiment is one reason why Levy has entertained a less likely but nonetheless enticing option: switching parties and running as a Republican.
“If I were the Republicans, I would ask Steve Levy to run,” said John Zaher, a Long Island political consultant who has worked for both parties. “On Long Island, he is by far their superstar.”
Some Republicans laugh off the idea of nominating a Democrat to run for governor on the GOP line, saying that would further solidify the perception that the party cannot field its own talent. Levy himself would prefer to remain a Democrat, according to friends and associates.
But others have already attempted to persuade Levy to run as a Republican. One, who has spoken directly to him about the idea, said Levy was receptive.
“He did not dismiss it,” said the Republican, adding that among party leaders, “the comfort level would be increased dramatically if he actually switched parties.”
Levy, first elected in 2003 and again in 2007, is widely popular in Suffolk despite a series of controversial remarks regarding illegal immigration. A conservative Democrat who has been cross-endorsed by county Republicans, Levy is fiercely anti-illegal immigration and disliked by some of the more liberal elements within the party.
Still, Levy’s approval ratings in Suffolk hover in the range of 70 to 80 percent, and he is viewed as a moderate political figure who has cut taxes and reduced spending, and identifies with the values of white middle-class voters.
Those features could play well in a primary against Paterson, whose 2009-2010 budget has been widely panned and who has been excoriated for his inability to govern competently at a time of economic distress.
“That’s a message that in these days is going to resonate very well,” said Michael Dawidziak, a Long Island political operative who has advised Levy in the past. “A guy like Levy is sitting with $4 million in the bank—by that time it’ll probably be $5 million. He could run for county executive one more time, and then what else?”
Through his spokesperson, Mark Smith, Levy declined to comment.
Levy’s supporters envision a scenario in which Paterson raises his poll numbers enough to ward off a coup by Cuomo. If at that point Paterson is still vulnerable, and fails to mobilize his liberal city base, Levy could step in as the moderate, suburban-friendly Democrat. He would run as a political outsider, much like Nassau County Executive Tom Suozzi (D) did in the 2006 race against Eliot Spitzer, making the case that he has the best chance of defeating a Republican in the general election.
Alternatively, if Paterson refuses to step aside and Democratic leaders fail to stop a primary challenge from Cuomo, Levy could enter the fray and capitalize on a potentially split vote.
The only possibility that would almost certainly foreclose a potential bid by Levy is if Democratic leaders push Paterson aside and hand the nomination to Cuomo—a situation the county executive’s prospective candidacy, if resonating strongly enough, could prompt. In that case, many believe Levy would not be able to perform against Cuomo’s ability to mobilize the Democrats’ liberal primary base while also appealing to moderate suburban voters.
“If Paterson did drop out, and Cuomo was coronated, that probably would forestall a primary,” Dawidziak said.
Levy seems to relish his identity as a conservative, suburban-friendly Democrat who has co-opted much of the Republicans’ base.
In an interview last year with The Capitol, he described a failed bid for State Senate in 1990 as one of the formative experiences of his political career.
“The rather far-left Democrats from the city who wanted to run [my] campaign only wanted to talk about gun control and abortion,” he said. “I tried to tell them that’s not the issue that’s resonating out there. It’s all about property taxes.”
Alan Capelli, a Democratic operative who ran H. Carl McCall’s campaign for governor in 2002, said Levy would have a more difficult time making headway if he chose not to bolt the party and run as a Republican.
But either way, with his aggressive fundraising and moderate appeal, he would be able to give Paterson a scare.
“On paper, it sounds like you have the makings of a race,” Capelli said.
Levy has approached some of his major backers about the prospect of running in the Democratic primary next year, possibly against Gov. David Paterson, according to associates, who did not want to be named discussing details of private conversations. Levy has been gauging whether he would be able to raise enough money to run a viable statewide campaign.
“He’s been talking to a number of his supporters, just kind of testing the waters to see if there is the potential for an open seat, and depending on what happens, whether or not he would be a viable candidate,” said Suffolk Democratic Chair Rich Schaffer. “He’s a tenacious campaigner. He is relentless when it comes to putting together an organization, and himself doing the campaign.”
Schaffer added that Levy could also run for attorney general if Paterson bowed out and current Attorney General Andrew Cuomo became the Democratic nominee for governor.
Levy’s obstacle, other than his low name recognition statewide, is his toxic relationship with the New York City Democrats that largely run the state party. While Levy remains popular among moderates and conservatives in Suffolk, liberals and minority groups roundly criticize him for his hard-line stances on illegal immigration.
“The Democratic establishment is an establishment from New York [City],” said one state Democratic operative. “Guess what all of them have in common? They hate Steve Levy’s guts.”
That sentiment is one reason why Levy has entertained a less likely but nonetheless enticing option: switching parties and running as a Republican.
“If I were the Republicans, I would ask Steve Levy to run,” said John Zaher, a Long Island political consultant who has worked for both parties. “On Long Island, he is by far their superstar.”
Some Republicans laugh off the idea of nominating a Democrat to run for governor on the GOP line, saying that would further solidify the perception that the party cannot field its own talent. Levy himself would prefer to remain a Democrat, according to friends and associates.
But others have already attempted to persuade Levy to run as a Republican. One, who has spoken directly to him about the idea, said Levy was receptive.
“He did not dismiss it,” said the Republican, adding that among party leaders, “the comfort level would be increased dramatically if he actually switched parties.”
Levy, first elected in 2003 and again in 2007, is widely popular in Suffolk despite a series of controversial remarks regarding illegal immigration. A conservative Democrat who has been cross-endorsed by county Republicans, Levy is fiercely anti-illegal immigration and disliked by some of the more liberal elements within the party.
Still, Levy’s approval ratings in Suffolk hover in the range of 70 to 80 percent, and he is viewed as a moderate political figure who has cut taxes and reduced spending, and identifies with the values of white middle-class voters.
Those features could play well in a primary against Paterson, whose 2009-2010 budget has been widely panned and who has been excoriated for his inability to govern competently at a time of economic distress.
“That’s a message that in these days is going to resonate very well,” said Michael Dawidziak, a Long Island political operative who has advised Levy in the past. “A guy like Levy is sitting with $4 million in the bank—by that time it’ll probably be $5 million. He could run for county executive one more time, and then what else?”
Through his spokesperson, Mark Smith, Levy declined to comment.
Levy’s supporters envision a scenario in which Paterson raises his poll numbers enough to ward off a coup by Cuomo. If at that point Paterson is still vulnerable, and fails to mobilize his liberal city base, Levy could step in as the moderate, suburban-friendly Democrat. He would run as a political outsider, much like Nassau County Executive Tom Suozzi (D) did in the 2006 race against Eliot Spitzer, making the case that he has the best chance of defeating a Republican in the general election.
Alternatively, if Paterson refuses to step aside and Democratic leaders fail to stop a primary challenge from Cuomo, Levy could enter the fray and capitalize on a potentially split vote.
The only possibility that would almost certainly foreclose a potential bid by Levy is if Democratic leaders push Paterson aside and hand the nomination to Cuomo—a situation the county executive’s prospective candidacy, if resonating strongly enough, could prompt. In that case, many believe Levy would not be able to perform against Cuomo’s ability to mobilize the Democrats’ liberal primary base while also appealing to moderate suburban voters.
“If Paterson did drop out, and Cuomo was coronated, that probably would forestall a primary,” Dawidziak said.
Levy seems to relish his identity as a conservative, suburban-friendly Democrat who has co-opted much of the Republicans’ base.
In an interview last year with The Capitol, he described a failed bid for State Senate in 1990 as one of the formative experiences of his political career.
“The rather far-left Democrats from the city who wanted to run [my] campaign only wanted to talk about gun control and abortion,” he said. “I tried to tell them that’s not the issue that’s resonating out there. It’s all about property taxes.”
Alan Capelli, a Democratic operative who ran H. Carl McCall’s campaign for governor in 2002, said Levy would have a more difficult time making headway if he chose not to bolt the party and run as a Republican.
But either way, with his aggressive fundraising and moderate appeal, he would be able to give Paterson a scare.
“On paper, it sounds like you have the makings of a race,” Capelli said.
